Neural Network

[BREAKING WITH CONSENSUS REALITY, From the Politics of Consent to the Seduction of Revolution]
This text is excerpted from the publication TERROR INCOGNITA,
a meditation on desire, insurrection, and the unknown.

We who fight to create a freer world face a fundamental contradiction. On one hand, we don’t want to become a vanguard, “leading” or imposing our will on others, as that would run counter to our anti-authoritarian values. On the other hand, we believe with good justification that our political goals—including the destruction of capitalism, the state, and hierarchy—can’t be accomplished without strategies that are currently unpalatable to most of our fellow citizens. The impoverishment of millions and the destruction of our ecosystems demand that we act decisively. What criteria will equip us to challenge these systems without resorting to the authoritarian means we condemn?

Some of us have developed a practice of prioritizing consent as a provisional answer to this dilemma. This discourse comes to us through educators who promote it as a tool for fostering mutually respectful sexuality in the midst of a rape culture. Applying this model in our intimate relationships and beyond, we seek to respect others’ autonomy by not subjecting them to actions that violate their consent—that is, by staying within the boundaries of others’ desires as they determine and articulate them. We reject coercion of any form, whether physical, verbal, economic, or otherwise, and assert our self-determination to participate in or abstain from whatever we choose.

Yet outside of the sexual realm, consent discourse doesn’t always offer a sufficient framework with which to evaluate direct action tactics and strategy. Knowing whether an action is consensual may not suffice to indicate whether it is effective or worthwhile. Aware that most people oppose some of our tactics, we don’t plan our actions on the basis of consent, yet we don’t aspire to become a vanguard, either. Furthermore, since we can only desire on the basis of what we know, we’re unlikely to achieve liberation from simply fulfilling the desires we have now without changing the conditions that produced them. So how else might we conceive of our political project, if not through the lens of consent?

A close examination of our activities reveals that in setting out to foment insurrection and transform society, we appear to be operating according to a logic of seduction. Are we prepared to accept the implications of this reframing? Let’s begin by examining the politics of consent and their limitations.
Is Consent Enough?

At first glance, the notion of basing our political practice on a theory of consent makes intuitive sense. What’s our critique of the state? It’s a body that wields power over us even to the point of life and death, and yet no one ever asked us if we wanted to be governed. Elections don’t even begin to offer us the meaningful alternatives true consent would require. It’s been said before: our desires will never fit in their ballot boxes. We promote the principle of voluntary association—the freedom to form whatever groups and collectives we want without being compelled to participate in any. We never had the chance to say no to capitalism, to government, to police, to all the systems of hierarchy that impose their rule—so clearly those can’t be consensual in any meaningful way. As we do away with the coercive systems that dominate our lives, we can reconstruct new social relations based on consent: a world in which no one controls anyone else, in which we can determine our own destinies.

It makes sense . . . doesn’t it? Certainly, this discourse of consent offers a compelling way to imagine the world we want to live in. But how does it serve as a strategy for dislodging this one? It’s difficult to envision a political practice that stringently respects the consent of all people while simultaneously destroying the fabric of our hierarchical society. If we insist on the unity of means and ends, we have to dismantle coercive institutions and social relationships through non-coercive processes to build a non-coercive society. Abandoning this vision could undermine the very basis of our anarchism. Yet if we don’t succeed in dislodging capitalism and the state, the bases of economic and political coercion, we’ll never arrive at a society in which a consent-based framework could actually be tenable.

How can we resolve these dilemmas? Let’s look more closely at what we mean by consent, and how it operates in our society and in our movements.
Consensus Reality, Nonviolence, Liberal Consent

Power and consent are critically intertwined. Power imbalances make it difficult or impossible to give consent freely. Can a much older person have consensual sex with a very young person? Can someone who is subjected to another’s economic control freely consent to that person’s desires? For consent to be meaningful, it must be possible to say no, any time and for any reason, on one’s own terms. When the state monopolizes the use of force and the economy controls access to our very means of survival, we cannot meaningfully choose. We call the boundaries enclosing our ability to consent under these conditions consensus reality.
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http://anarchistinternational.org/wordpress/?page_id=344

IX.

On History, Repression, and the Infinite

This is the first of three expositions detailing our final three barriers.

History:

The Mexican Guerrilla and Forgetfulness

History tells us that the Nazis cleansed Berlin of Jews in the days leading up to 1936 Summer Olympics. Before everyone arrived from abroad, the Jews had been pushed out of sight, the brutality and pogroms hidden away. The city was brightened, the roads were cleaned, and the shops were open. Three years earlier, Hitler had presided over May Day celebrations, having successfully hijacked the ideas of socialism and revolution from the Marxists, many of whom also happened to be Jews. In 1945, Hitler killed himself and had his body burnt. The war he started before his death consigned the world to its current fate of authoritarian domination. Long after he died, the SS patrolled the streets and Nazi rockets filled the sky.

In 1968, the students of Mexico City (DF) began boarding buses and handing out literature, marching in the streets against the PRI government, and withstanding heavy assaults by the police. They fought to free their imprisoned friends, to keep beauty alive, and to destroy the capitalist terror around them. They were executed in cold rooms after defending the occupied UNAM, the wandered drunkenly down Insurgentes knowing their future was gone, they fucked in dirty bathrooms knowing the world was against them, and they witnessed the tumultuous expansion of the world revolutionary Geist before their intoxicated eyes. Some of them were part of the Anarchist International, although we may never know to what extent.
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In May 2011, tens of thousands occupied plazas throughout Spain in a protest movement that prefigured similar occupations around the world, including the Occupy movement in the United States. On March 29, 2012, a nationwide general strike erupted into massive street-fighting in Barcelona, as participants wrested control of the streets from riot police. How did this come to pass, and what can it tell us about what will follow the occupation movements outside Spain?
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Anarchist graffiti is generally boring and repetitive.
Since I want better graffiti and am a genius, here’s a long list of possible slogans to write:

‘Wrong’ is the name that power gives to all that we need to destroy it.
Cash ruins everything around me.
A cause not to die for.
A day of normality is more violent than a month of insurrection.
A limit is only something we haven’t destroyed yet.
A mask is a face you can trust.
A prole is anyone who doesn’t control their life and knows it.
A rupture a day keeps submission away.
A world of play to win, and nothing to lose but boredom.
ACAB: All cats are brilliant.
Act your rage.
Actually fighting for your freedom.
ACϟAB Read more…

from Liberación Total (March 27, 2012) via This is our Job:

Street protests against the attacks of capitalist States on our living conditions have recently spread throughout Europe. Despite the strikes, actions, and massive demonstrations, and despite the broad movements that haven’t even expressed any grand revolutionary aspirations beyond the mere defense of minimum basic necessities, the States have responded with indifference.

Appealing to confusing economic formulas, numbers, statistics, and abstract concepts, those States have tried to locate the problem’s origin in inaccessible, metaphysical realities. However, the origin and causes of our daily problems have no metaphysical foundation whatsoever. Poverty, exploitation, repression, and systematic abuse are the results of very concrete structures, of specific decisions taken by specific people who have specific interests.

One such structure is called the College of Business Administration and Management (ESADE). Nestled in the middle of the wealthy Pedralbes neighborhood, this school produces a stream of executives who—day after day—order, manage, and benefit from the destruction of the lives of the great majority of the population. Each year, the school propels social predators into the world, and for the rest of their lives they dedicate themselves to plundering and trampling on this country’s exploited from their institutional (like the presidency of the Generalitat itself, occupied by Artur Mas) or corporate positions. Read more…

from liberaciontotal, transl waronsociety:

On Propaganda
In solidarity with the comrades from Culmine and the spaces of propaganda raided by the Italian State

A couple of weeks ago, a group of Italian comrades were arrested in Florence passing out leaflets against the death of an immigrant at the hands of the police. The guardians of order inserted this arrest into a new repressive operation against anarchist comrades. By means of the operations, with raids on houses and confiscation of personal objects, the police seized and abducted the emails of the blogs ParoleArmate, Culmine and Iconoclasta and accused some compas of subversive crimes.

From our small trench of propaganda we send our support to the investigated compas and to our brothers of Culmine and the rest of the raided virtual spaces, thanks to which we can find our what other compas from distant places are doing and thinking and share with them our reflections on the context of struggle in our territory. We know that sooner than later, with the same or another project, we will have them back. Read more…

Siné Mensuel: What did the situs mean when they said that situationism doesn’t exist?

Raoul Vaneigem: The situationists were always hostile to ideologies, and to speak of situationism would be to place an ideology where there isn’t one.

Siné Mensuel: Why did you break with the Situationist International in 1970?  In hindsight, what do you think of Guy Debord?

Raoul Vaneigem: I broke [off] because the radicality that had been the priority in May 1968 was in the process of dissolving into bureaucratic behavior. Each member had chosen to pursue his route alone or to abandon the project of a self-managed society. Perhaps Debord and I felt more complicity than affection, but the split doesn’t matter! What is sincerely lived is never lost. The rest is only the dregs of futility.

Siné Mensuel: What’s your take on the Movement of the Indignant?[3]

Raoul Vaneigem: It is a public-safety reaction against the resignation and fear that provide the tyranny of capitalism with its best supports. But indignation isn’t enough. It is less a matter of struggling against a system that is collapsing than in favor of new social structures founded upon direct democracy. While the State is destroying public services, only a self-managing movement can take charge of the well-being of everyone. Read more…

From Hommodolars Contrainformación (August 12, 2010) via Liberación Total (July 30, 2010): http://thisisourjob.wordpress.com/2011/09/10/a-much-needed-invitation-to-discuss-the-offensive-against-the-state-capital-and-all-forms-of-authority/

Note from TIOJ: As you can see, this piece has been in our “translation queue” for just over a year now. We finally decided to finish it because we feel it’s a worthwhile addition to the general discourse surrounding insurrectionary praxis. Some of the ideas have already been applied by various groups, while others prefigure certain events of the past year. In any case, many thanks to the comrades who wrote it, and we apologize for the delay!
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Posted on September 13, 2011 by actforfreedomnow:  http://actforfreedomnow.wordpress.com/2011/09/13/%e2%80%98rain-fire%e2%80%99-%e2%80%93-statement-from-a-uk-fai-sector/

‘Rain & Fire’ – Statement from a UK FAI sector

325 receives and transmits:   Rain & Fire  

This text was written during the course of the growing European social war, and our attempts to situate ourselves in the context of that, whilst in the midst of rising fascism, complicity from most of the society and a fractured and divisive anti-capitalist ‘movement’. These scant few pages cannot express the complexity of the various situations being described in any great depth, but we write so that other rebels at the edges can know how it is for us here. As we were putting the final touches to the text, cities in the UK exploded and remain volatile. However this is not an analysis of the riots – this is a text from inside the social conditions which gave rise to the insurrection.  

This text has been collaboratively written by many individuals in our network over a period of discussion, planning and attack. We have been brief in our communiques so far, but we felt it was time to write something longer.  

“Why are we writing?” Because we know how important it has been for us to hear the knocks on the wall from other renegades in other cells, and because we would like to reach out beyond the people we already know, beyond the realities we have lived in, created, abandoned or remain tied to. As revolutionaries, we are highly critical of these realities and of ourselves, and we write because just, as individuals, we strive to be ‘better’ than we are, we also desire for this world to be better than it is. We are open to the fallacy of our opinions and wish to surpass our expectations, such as they are. We also try to communicate with those outside our circles, and we attempt to staunch the tendency towards self-referentialism which is endemic to many forms of communication. In the end, we have to accept that this text is written to persons unknown and that wherever it is read and whoever it reaches, there will be those who will have an understanding of what is written here – and this is for them.  

There is no longer any sure statement that can be made about this changing world, which catches fire more and more, everyday.  

The present day United Kingdom is a controlled theme-park, covered in surveillance cameras, vehicle tracking, identical housing estates, post-industrial zones and sprawling road and train networks. There is virtually no wilderness left, the powerful and rich control the ‘countryside’, as much as, or even more than the cities, and there is little freedom beyond the mainstream, unless you take it – the same as anywhere else. The prison of everyday life is so total here that the only choice remaining is its complete destruction.  

We welcomed the renewed call by the Conspiracy of Cells of Fire / Informal Anarchist Federation for a world-wide informal anarchist structure based on revolutionary solidarity and direct action: the International Revolutionary Front. As we continue to develop our own project of revolutionary organisation, we affirm the global informal ‘network’ or ‘federation’ of revolutionary groups in existence who are developing, encouraging and participating in uncontrollable confrontation against State and Capital, whilst organising and developing their own initiatives of attack: this is our signal of collaboration. Read more…

Maybe the explosion, despite the enormous amount of damage it caused to the building, did not stop the operation of the stock market since it did not destroy the central software system, but we believe that it worked, and it will continue to work negatively on the market and on the psychology of all kinds of opportunists, since the message was clear and was received by economic power as a whole: those responsible for the current crisis, the major shareholders, the golden boys, the capitalists, will pay for their criminal activity, and no State mechanism can protect them.

This action comes at a time when the economic crisis is moving towards its peak – despite statements to the contrary – the Greek economy is collapsing, the country has officially entered the recession and Karamanlis [Prime Minister from ’04 to ’09, leader of Nea Dimokratia (N.D),political party of the centre-right,], on the day of the attack exactly two years after the previous elections, declares new elections because of the collapse of the national economy and once again asks for the tolerance of Greek society in order to intensify the robbing, oppressive and exploitative policies of his government.

We urge the people to turn their backs on the political system and to abstain from the elections on October 4th [2009]. No government, whichever party or coalition of parties comes to power, can get the country out of the economic crisis, which is the deepest and will be the longest lasting crisis in the history of the capitalist system. And if some parts of Greek society, forgetting the “modernized” government of PASOK [Socialist party], the neo-liberal economic and social adjustment it imposed and the anti-social policies it applied from 1996 to 2004, believe that today this party will implement populist politics and vote for them, the contradiction will emerge from the first months of the new government. It will show that Papandreou [leader of PASOK] and Karamanlis have the same strategy for the crisis, which is the protection of profits and capital while the theiving raid and neo-liberal attack on the most vulnerable parts of society will not only continue but will intensify, in the name of “rescuing the Greek economy”.

No regime party, from the far right to the left, is in a position to put an end to the crisis and ensure a decent life for all, since that implies a rupture with the system and its institutions. To live without crises means that we live without capitalism, free market economy, without government and organized authority. This is the reason why the dilemma is not Nea Dimokratia or PASOK or the left. The real dilemma is CAPITALISM OR REVOLUTION.
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